This quote is from Daniel Roytas’s Humanley Podcast Telegram Channel, which I consider one of the best health-related sources of information:
…in 1971, Louis Pasteur’s laboratory notebooks were released to the public by his grandson, despite Pasteur demanding that his family never release them.
Princeton Professor Gerald Geison spent 18 years reading through more than 100 of Pasteur’s notebooks and published experiments. He found that Pasteur had committed scientific fraud over and over and over again. Geison published his findings in a book titled “The Private Science of Louis Pasteur” in 1995.
I can’t vouch for the authenticity of this Hidden Hand-gestured portrait of Pasteur. ‘Freemason’ is not mentioned in Geison’s biography once!
I had already read about this in 2020 in Tom Cowan’s and Sally Fallon Morrell’s banned book, The Contagion Myth:
In his interview with Catherine Austin Fitts, Cowan mentions the account of Pasteur’s deathbed confession that “the germ is nothing, the terrain is everything”:
The below quotes are from Susan Dorey’s web page ‘http://www.susandoreydesigns.com/insights/pasteur-recant.html, concerning Pasteur’s supposed deathbed confession, ‘Bernard avait raison. Le germe n’est rien, c’est le terrain qui est tout.’ (‘Bernard was right. The germ is nothing, the terrain is everything.’). I commend her for researching the origins of this supposed confession, since anything like this is hard to prove just from hearsay. Claude Bernard sided with Antoine Bechamp and others who touted the terrain theory of disease:
Pasteur and Bernard were very close and over long stretches of time took care of each other. A fourth man, Jacques-Arsène d’Arsonval (1851–1940), Bernard’s top student, was also close to Pasteur. D’Arsonval would have been a frequent visitor to Pasteur over the many months of his terminal illness.
Pasteur was hostile to Béchamp, whose work threatened Pasteur’s reputation and income. Pasteur effectively promoted his own work, while Béchamp’s modesty and devotion to his research kept himself out of the spotlight.
On November 1, 1894 “he was struck down by a violent attack of uremia” per The Life of Pasteur by Rene Vallery-Radot, 1900; Vallery-Radot was Pasteur’s son-in-law. Other accounts describe the “attack” as a stroke. He was attended around the clock by two people at a time. His condition had improved by the end of December… By June his condition had deteriorated and the paralysis increased. He removed to Villeneuve D’Etang, his 300 acre estate outside of Paris. He died there on Saturday, September 28, 1895 at 4:40 in the afternoon, surrounded by his family…
Pasteur’s manuscript materials were deposited in 1964 with the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris by Pasteur’s grandson Louis-Pasteur Vallery-Radot (1886–1970), who was credited as Pasteur’s editor. Public access was restricted until VR’s death in 1971, there was no printed catalog until 1985…
D’Arsonval inherited Bernard’s papers. The first of Bernard’s papers that d’Arsonval published so infuriated Pasteur that d’Arsonval quit. Shortly before his death he gave the papers to Dr. Léon Delhoume (1887–1960), a historian who wrote about a number of doctors and scientists.
In 1939 Delhoume published De Claude Bernard a d’Arsonval in Paris… This book does not contain the recant. Delhoume also passed d’Arsonval’s materials to Dr. Philippe Decourt (1902–1990)…
In 1956 Hans Selye, MD published The Stress of Life. I transcribed the following excerpt from page 301 of the 1976 revised edition: “Let me point out here parenthetically that Pasteur was sharply criticized for failing to recognize the importance of the terrain (the soil in which disease develops). They said he was too one-sidedly preoccupied with the apparent cause of disease: the microbe itself. There were, in fact, many disputes about this between Pasteur and his great contemporary, Claude Bernard; the former insisted on the importance of the disease producer, the latter on the body’s own equilibrium. Yet Pasteur’s work on immunity induced with serums and vaccines shows he recognized the importance of the soil. In any event, it is rather significant that Pasteur attached so much importance to this point that on his deathbed he said to Professor A. Rénon who looked after him: ‘Bernard avait raison. Le germe n’est rien, c’est le terrain qui est tout.’ (‘Bernard was right. The microbe is nothing, the soil is everything.’).”
[NOTE: Selye was wrong about Rénon’s name, he was Louis Rénon, an honored member of the Société de Biologie, as was d’Arsonval. Of importance for this narrative, Selye did not cite his source for Pasteur’s quote, leaving my desire for an authoritative source unsatisfied. I include Selye’s remarks here as the earliest version of the recant I have found, and the only one I can personally confirm.]
In April 1992 an article by Christopher Bird (1928–1996), a science writer, was published in Nexxus Magazine. It was titled “To Be Or Not To Be? 150 Years of Hidden Knowledge.” In it Bird stated he had met Nonclercq in 1984 in France. He claimed she told him of her discovery of Pasteur’s deathbed recant in a book written by Leon Delhoume, De Claude Bernard a d’Arsonval, on or around page 595. Well, the last page of the book is 595, and there is no mention of the recant on it or earlier pages.
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The difficulty for American researchers who do not read French is that most of the key books in this saga were written in French and have yet to be translated into English. I did find a French-reader in an attempt to confirm the recant in Delhoume’s book; he confirmed the recant is NOT in that book. I still hope to find a French-reader to look for the recant in the books of Nonclercq and Decourt.
Until an assistant confirmed for me that Delhoume’s book does not contain the recant, I was willing to believe that Bird’s reputation as a meticulous researcher and documenter would have to suffice as proof that Pasteur really did recant his germ theory. I no longer believe that. At this point, 2014, I have found no evidence that the recant was real.
The earliest account of the recant I found is in Selye’s 1976 book. It was likely also in the 1956 edition.
An engaging question is how the recant story ended up in print, assuming it is true. Certainly Pasteur’s family were not about to tell, assuming they had witnessed it. The likely candidate is d’Arsonval. And, as Pasteur’s death was a drawn out affair, the confession could have occurred at any time, not just in his last moments. There is the additional possibility that Pasteur confessed to more than one person.
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candida-international.blogspot.com/2009/10/virology-is-religion.html In a 250-page thesis on Antoine Béchamp, Marie Nonclercq, doctor of pharmacy, explains the clear advantage that Pasteur had over Béchamp: “He was a falsifier of experiments and their results, where he wanted the outcomes to be favourable to his initial ideas. The falsifications committed by Pasteur now seem incredible to us. On deeper examination, however, the facts were in opposition to the ideas developed by Pasteur in the domain of bacteriology . . . Pasteur wilfully ignored the work of Béchamp, one of the greatest 19th-century French scientists whose considerable work in the fields of chemical synthesis, bio-chemistry and infectious pathology is almost totally unrecognised today, because it had been systematically falsified, denigrated, for the personal profit of an illustrious personage (Pasteur) who had, contrary to Béchamp, a genius for publicity and what today we call ‘public relations . . .'”
The germ theory states that the body is sterile and disease is caused by external germs (microbes). For Béchamp, microbes naturally exist in the body and it is the disease that reflects the deteriorated condition of the host and changes the function of the microbes. The terrain — the internal environment — in response to various forces, fosters the development of germs from within. To my thinking, the germ theory essentially blames the messenger.
Back to the Geison biography, here is an example, in Chapter 3, of the differences between the myth of Pasteur perpetuated through hagiographic biography from Vallery-Radot and what Pasteur’s first notebook recounts of the ‘Eureka’ myth of him running excitedly out of his lab after his first major discovery:
The Eureka myth from Geison’s biography of Pasteur.
In the rest of this chapter, the above retrospective version of the story is disputed mainly on the basis of evidence from Pasteur’s first laboratory notebook—the only notebook missing from the unpublished Pasteur collection now deposited at the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, its current whereabouts is a mystery. Happily, J D Bernal reproduced several crucial pages of it photographically for an essay of 1953. More important, a microfiche copy of the entire notebook is in the possession of Seymour Mauskopf, who has deposited a duplicate copy in Firestone Library at Princeton University and whose generosity in sharing that copy has made the writing of this chapter possible. In fact, Mauskopf’s own insightful analysis of Pasteur’s first notebook is the point of departure for the interpretation that follows.
You can read the rest of the account, but you get the idea. Note also that this first notebook is missing. Although the duplicate of the microfiche copy is in the Princeton library, who knows what has been altered- almost no one has access to the notebooks still!
Searching ‘Bechamp’, Geison’s biography returns only this page (excluding the bibliography section), which paints a negative portrait of Bechamp, ‘homeopaths’ and ‘alternative medicine’:
However, Claude Bernard is mentioned 60 times. Geison does not mention terrain theory even once and nothing regarding his supposed deathbed confession.
Instead, Geison needlessly adds these types of subjective hyperbole about Pasteur:
“one of the greatest heroes in the history of science”…
“he deserves his reputation as one of the greatest scientists who ever lived”…
“one of the indisputably great scientists of all time”…
I know there were more instances of this, because, as I listened to the audiobook, I was alarmed at how often the Princeton professor was praising Pasteur.
Have you ever asked, why are they still locking up Pasteur’s notebooks in the Paris National Bibliotheque? What do they have to hide? Wouldn’t they want to allow the world to see the incredible work of “one of the indisputably great scientists of all time?” Why have only a handful of people had access to the notebooks? It’s time to make it publically available. But of course they want to keep as many people captive in their germ theory fears.
Geison mentions that Antonio Cadeddu also had access to the notebooks, so searching him brings up this paper on Pasteur’s fraud with his anthrax vaccine: https://philpapers.org/rec/CADPEL .
For a more thorough assessment of the situation, here is the coauthor of The Contagion Myth, Sally Fallon Morell, and her take on Pasteur’s use of poisons, particularly in his anthrax vaccine experiments, and how arsenic powder in the form of Cooper’s Sheep Dip spread illness among sheep before this practice ended: https://www.westonaprice.org/health-topics/anthrax-arsenic-and-old-lace/#gsc.tab=0
In 1881, Pasteur performed a public experiment at Pouilly-le-Fort to demonstrate his concept of vaccination. He prepared two groups of twenty-five sheep, one goat and several cattle. The animals of one group were twice injected with an anthrax vaccine prepared by Pasteur, at an interval of fifteen days; the control group was left unvaccinated. Thirty days after the first injection, both groups were injected with a culture of live anthrax bacteria. All the animals in the unvaccinated group died, while all of the animals in the vaccinated group survived.
This apparent triumph, widely reported in the local, national and international press, made Pasteur a national hero and ensured the acceptance of vaccination in the practice of medicine.
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Another problem that Pasteur encountered was that try as he might, he was unable to make animals sick by injecting them with the microbe he associated with the disease he was studying, such as anthrax or rabies. In the case of anthrax, to make healthy animals sicken and die, he had to inject them with “virulent anthrax.” Pasteur made “pathogenic” microbes more virulent by what he called “serial passage” of the organism through other animals. In the case of anthrax, he used guinea pigs, injecting them with the microorganism he associated with anthrax, then sacrificing the animal and injecting its blood or tissue—possibly mixed with poisons such as carbolic acid or potassium bichromate—into another animal; this process was repeated through several guinea pigs. In this way he came up with what he called “virulent anthrax.”
From Geison’s biography, The Private Science of Louis Pasteur. Carbolic acid, or creosote/phenol/benzenol, is a volatile compound with a benzene ring. Nothing grows in creosote coal tar.
For rabies, Pasteur was able to produce the symptoms of disease by injecting “cerebral matter. . . extracted from a rabid dog under sterile [that is, poisoned] conditions and then inoculated directly onto the surface of the brain of a healthy dog through a hole drilled into its skull.” This treatment did sometimes make dogs foam at the mouth and die.
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The death of all the unvaccinated sheep is easy to explain. Pasteur used “virulent anthrax”; in other words, he poisoned them. What about the vaccinated sheep—all of them—that lived? Did he inject them with “virulent anthrax” or merely anthrax, with which he had never succeeded in killing any animals? As the French would say, “Il y avait quelque chose de louche.” Something fishy was going on.
After the trial, requests for supplies of his anthrax vaccines flooded Pasteur’s laboratory. The laboratory soon acquired a monopoly on the manufacture of commercial anthrax vaccines, and Pasteur aggressively pursued foreign sales. Pasteur and his laboratory enjoyed a net annual profit of 130,000 francs from the sale of anthrax vaccines in the mid-1880s. But Pasteur and also his assistants remained surprisingly reluctant to disclose any details about the type of vaccine they used.
Soon problems arose, furnishing another source of suspicion that Pasteur had cheated—the anthrax vaccine didn’t work. In Pasteur: Plagiarist, Imposter!, author R.B. Pearson notes that Pasteur began to receive letters of complaint from towns in France and from as far away as Hungary, describing fields littered with dead sheep, vaccinated the day before.3 According to the Hungarian government, “the worst diseases, pneumonia, catarrhal fever, etc., have exclusively struck down the animals subjected to injection.” An 1882 trial carried out in Turin found the vaccination worthless. In southern Russia, anthrax vaccines killed 81 percent of the sheep that received them.
Gradually, use of the anthrax vaccine faded. . . but here’s the mysterious thing: The occurrence of anthrax faded also. Today, it is a rare disease. So what was causing the death of so many animals, mostly sheep, during the nineteenth century, and why don’t sheep die of anthrax today?
Let us consider sheep dip (a liquid preparation for cleansing sheep of parasites). The world’s first sheep dip—invented and produced by George Wilson of Coldstream, Scotland in 1830—was based on arsenic powder. One of the most successful brands was Cooper’s Dip, developed in 1852 by the British veterinary surgeon and industrialist William Cooper. Cooper’s dip contained arsenic powder and sulfur. The powder required mixing with water, so naturally agricultural workers—let alone the sheep dipped in the arsenic solution—were sometimes poisoned.
The symptoms of arsenic poisoning are remarkably similar to those of “anthrax,” including the appearance of black skin lesions. Like anthrax, arsenic can poison through skin contact, through inhalation and through the gastrointestinal tract. If an injection contains arsenic, it will cause a lesion at the site.
Sheep dips today no longer contain arsenic, so anthrax has disappeared—except in developing countries where it is still an ingredient in industrial processes like tanning—hence the 2008 death of the drum maker working with imported animal skins.
The real mystery is why scientists of the day did not make the connection between anthrax and arsenic. After all, the French knew a thing or two about arsenic. Every physician and pharmacist stocked arsenic powder, and in Flaubert’s best-selling mid-century novel Madame Bovary, his heroine kills herself by swallowing a handful of arsenic. Flaubert graphically describes the black lesions that mar the beautiful Madame Bovary as she dies—every Frenchman knew what arsenic poisoning looked like. It seems that scientists, vets and physicians were so dazzled by the new germ theory that they could not connect poison with disease.
This type of scenario with the use of chemical pesticides was detailed comprehensively in dozens of diseases by Dawn Lester and David Parker in What Really Makes You Ill, for example, with the use of organochlorine pesticides, sodium fluoroacetate, and other industrial pesticides which could have affected the number of ‘myxomatosis’ cases in Australian rabbits. Here is the section of my Myxoma article regarding this: https://coppervortex.substack.com/i/105440355/the-account-of-myxomatosis-in-what-really-makes-you-ill . If it’s not clear what’s going on, here is another account from the mind-blowing book, Virus Mania, of pesticides, but this time the blame is on the ‘polio virus’:
In the Philippines, only a few years before the US catastrophe, the first polio epidemic in the tropics occurred spontaneously, in fact, with the introduction of the insecticide DDT there. Around the end of World War II, US troops in the Philippines had sprayed masses of DDT daily to wipe out flies. Just two years later, the wellknown Journal of the American Medical Association reported that lameness among soldiers stationed in the Philippines could not be differentiated from polio, and it had advanced to become the second most common cause of death. Only combat exercises were said to have claimed more victims. Meantime, populations in neighboring areas, where the poison had not been sprayed, experienced no problems with paralysis.
